Lohorung language on verge of extinction

Lohorung language on verge of extinction

Published: February 23, 2020 10:15 am On: Nepal

RASTRIYA SAMACHAR SAMITI

Itahari, February 22

Indigenous Lohorung language, spoken by the Lohorung community in Province 1, is on the verge of extinction.

The Nepal Language Commission has listed Lohorung as ‘endangered’ language.

There are very few people who can fluently speak the language. Family of Balkrishna Lohorung Rai, 62, is an example. Balkrishna, originally from Pangwa village in Sankhuwasabha district, which is densely populated by the people of Lohorung community, can fluently speak his mother tongue. He is an ardent activist, who has been working to promote and preserve Lohorung language.

However, he can only speak his mother tongue with his wife Urmila. ‘’I have two sons. But, they can’t speak the language as we do. They can just understand few words and sentences,’’ he said.

Mohan Kumari Rai, 55, is another fluent Lohorung speaker. Professionally a primary school teacher at Kaseni Secondary School of Belbari, Morang, Mohan Kumari can talk in her mother tongue only with her nonagenarian fatherin-law, Amar Bahadur Rai.

‘’I also talk in my mother language with my husband Chakra Bahadur Rai occasionally.

But, he is not a fluent speaker,’’ she said. Mohan Kumari was born and raised in a Lohorung-majority village, Diding Danda in Sankhuwasabha. She has five siblings, two brothers and three sisters, none of whom are fluent speakers of the language.

Based on Nepal’s census-2011, there are only 3,633 Lohorung speakers in the province. This number has not increased due to social and economic factors, said Bigyan Rai, a fluent Lohorung speaker from Itahari, Sunsari. “Lohorung people are getting married with people from other communities.

This has adverse impact on their mother tongue,” he said.

Besides, marriage, migration is another reason for declining population of Lohorung speakers, said Balkrishna, who teaches his mother tongue to younger people of the community.

‘’These days people from our community migrate to urban areas of Nepal and abroad for job and permanent settlement. This has decreased the number of people speaking the indigenous language spoken for centuries,” he said.

Dictionary, digital content and school textbooks in Lohorung could save the language from going extinct, according to Mohan Kumari. She added Lohorung language needs strong support from the local government and early education in mother tongue would help to preserve the language.

Balkrishna said bringing out a well-researched dictionary and sufficient digital content could help preserve minority indigenous languages like Lohorung.

A version of this article appears in print on February 23, 2020 of The Himalayan Times.

घाँटु बारे मगर लाेक कथा

घाँटु देवी

संकलनः मीन श्रीस मगर

(विद्यावारिधिः मगर संस्कृति)

उहिले सत्य युगको कुरा हो; देवदेवीहरूले मानिसलाई पनि आफूझैं देवतामा रुपान्तरण गर्दथे । तान्त्रिक विद्यामा पोख्त मानिसहरूले देवतासँग कुराकानी गर्ने क्षमता राख्दथे । त्यो युगमा मगरात भनिने मग्वर, धवलस्रोत, गण्डीगुल्म आदि राप्ती तथा गण्डकी प्रश्रवणक्षेत्रका मगर बस्तीहरूमा शक्तिशाली तान्त्रिकहरूको निकै ठूलो प्रभाव रहेको थियो । अलौकिक शक्ति प्राप्त ती तान्त्रिकले असामान्य गतिविधिहरू गर्दथे । तान्त्रिक शक्ति प्रयोग गरेर कुनै पनि जीवजन्तुलाई मार्ने र पुनः जीवित बनाउन सक्ने क्षमता उनीहरूमा हुन्थ्यो । बेलाबेलामा उनीहरूले आफ्ना अद्भूत क्षमता अर्थात घातक आभिचारिक (black magic) क्षमता प्रदर्शन गर्दथे ।  ती तान्त्रिकहरू बाघ लगायतका विभिन्न जीवजन्तुहरूमा रुपान्तरण हुने गर्दथे । धवलागिरी, हिमचुली, अन्नपूर्ण, माछापुच्छ्रे आदि हिमालहरू देवताको बासस्थल मानिने हुँदा ती हिमालहरूबाट उत्पन्न भएका नदीहरू कालीगण्डकी, बडीगाड, उत्तरगंगा, राप्ती आदिलाई ज्यादै पवित्र मानिन्थ्यो । ती हिमनदीका प्रश्रवणक्षेत्रमा बसोबास गर्ने मगर तान्त्रिकहरू निकै शक्तिशाली मानिन्थे ।

मुस्ताङको न्हुबिनी हिमालबाट उत्पन्न भएको पवित्र कालीगण्डकी किनारका गुल्मी, वागलुङ, पाल्पा, पर्वत, स्याङ्जा र नवलपरासीका मगर बस्तीहरूका साथै राप्ती प्रश्रवणक्षेत्रका रुकुम र रोल्पा क्षेत्रका मगर बस्तीहरूमा एक भाइ र नौ बहिनी तान्त्रिकहरूको प्रभावशाली अस्तित्व रहेको थियो । कालीगण्डकी किनारको बस्ती (वर्तमान पाल्पाको पीपलडाँडा, रामपुर तथा स्याङ्जाको गराङ्दी) का दस भाउना (एक भाइ र नौ बहिनी) तान्त्रिकहरू तान्त्रिक विद्यामा निपूर्ण थिए । ढ्याङ्ग्रे लामा (तान्त्रिक दाजु) र नौ बहिनी बीच कुनै कारणवस वैमनस्यताको वातावरण सिर्जना हुँदैगयो । उनीहरू बीचमा तन्त्रमन्त्रको युद्ध चल्नेक्रममा नौ बहिनीहरू दाजु ढ्याङ्ग्रे लामाबाट परास्त भई अलपिए । अलप भएको तेस्रो दिन अर्थात कात्तिक ठूली एकादशीका दिन नौकन्या तान्त्रिकहरू सेतीबेणी (गुल्मी, पर्वत र स्याङ्जाको संगम स्थल कालीगण्डकी) का कन्याहरूमा आविर्भाव भएका थिए । आफ्नो शरीरमा नौ कन्या तान्त्रिक आविर्भाव भएपछि कन्याहरूको आँखा बन्द भई कम्पन हुन थाल्यो । उनीहरू विभिन्न भावभङ्गीमा प्रस्तुत हुनथाले । तान्त्रिक कन्या उत्रिएर प्रस्तुत हुने अवस्था वा प्रस्तुतिकरणलाई घाँटु भन्न थालियो । सेतीबेणी अर्थात सेतीघाटबाट प्रारम्भ भएकाले सेतीघाटु भन्ने क्रममा कालान्तरमा सतीघाटु शब्द जनजिब्रोमा प्रचलित हुनपुग्यो । अर्कोतर्फ मृत्युको तेस्रो दिनको घोट संस्कार (शुद्धशान्ति) मा मृतकको आत्मालाई तान्त्रिक विधिबाट जगाएर पितृमा थपना गर्ने तथा नाचगान गर्नेक्रममा नौ कन्या तान्त्रिक उत्रेकाले मगर भाषामा घोट+उ (पष्टी विभक्ति)=घोटु अर्थात घोट सम्बन्धी भन्ने अर्थमा ‘घाँटु’ को विकास हुनगयो । स्याङ्जा राम्चेका मगरहरूले आजसम्म पनि हरेक वर्षको कात्तिक ठूली एकादशीका दिन सेतीबेणीमा गएर घाँटु नाट्य गाथाको थालनी गर्ने र वैशाख पूर्णिमा (चण्डी पूर्णिमा/बुद्ध पूर्णिमा) का दिन प्रदर्शन गर्ने परम्परालाई निरन्तरता दिएको पाइन्छ ।

हिमचुलीका सात बहिनी मायू (देवी) हरू मध्ये एक बहिनी नवलपरासीको देवचुलीमा बसोबास गर्न आउँदा त्यहाँ रहेको दैत्यसँग ठूलो संघर्ष परेको थियो । देवीले दैत्यलाई परास्त गर्न नसकेपछि भुमरीको रुप धारण गरी नजिकैको अर्खला गाउँमा घाँटु नाचिरहेका दुई मगर कन्यालाई उडाएर देवचुली पहाडमा पु¥याई आफू झैँ मायू (देवी) मा रुपान्तरण गराएकी थिइन् । त्यसपछि तीनकन्या मायूको संयुक्त शक्तिबाट दैत्यमाथि विजय प्राप्त भएको थियो । यो घटना चैत्र पूर्णिमाको समयमा भएकाले देवचुली पहाडको गुफामा तीन कन्या मायू (देवी) अर्थात घाँटु देवीको पूजाआजा गर्ने परम्पराको थालनी गरियो । देवचुली आसपासका हुप्सेकोट, बुलिङटार, धौवादी रुदपुर, अर्खला, कीर्तिपुर आदि क्षेत्रका मगरहरू र नवलपुर (रजहर तथा कोलुवातिर) का थारुहरूले संयुक्त रुपमा मगर झांक्री र थारु गुरौको नेतृत्वमा तान्त्रिक विधिबाट घाँटु देवी (तीनकन्या मायु/कुमारवर्ती माई) को पूजा गर्ने परम्परा उहिल्यैदेखि चलिआएको छ । यसै आधारमा कतिपय मगर गाउँमा चैत्र पूर्णिमाको दिन घाँटुको थालनी गर्ने र वैशाख पूर्णिमाको दिन चण्डी पूजा गरी विशेष प्रदर्शन गर्ने परम्परा रहेको छ ।

यो कथा सुन्नेलाई सुनको माला; भन्नेलाई फूलको माला ।

घाँटु देवी (ढुट मगर भाषामा)

गोमोक्च : मीन श्रीसमगर

विद्यावारिधि : मगर संस्कृति

खयाकाङन सट्य जुकओ वाट आले, डेवीडेउटाकोई भर्मिकोके ड मेहेको लेखान डेउटा खास्मो याहाओला। झाँकरि वार्चकोई यिडाकन वार्च भर्मिकोई डेउटाखटा ङाक्के हेकोला । होसे जुकाङ मगरात डेचो मग्वर, धवलस्रोत, गण्डकीगुल्म डेच ठामको राप्टी होटै गण्डकी डेठाङ मगरकुङ कार्हाङचो झाँकरिकुङ छाप ल्या । होन्च सक्ति डिन्चो झाँकरिकोई डिहिके माह्योक्च वाटको जाटुला । होसेकोई झाँकरिव वार्च केट्म जुन्च ड जिवजन्टुकोके साट्के होटै होसे सिच वस्टुकोके जिम्हाक्के हेक्च सक्टि होसेको खटा छानोला । सेन सेन होसेकोई मेनो झाँकरी वार्मई  चटक्या टानाक्के जाटोला । होसे झाँकरिको मेल्लाहाके सेन चिटुवा, सेन सुठु,  सेन चिउ ल्हेस्के हेक्चको छानोला ।  धवलगिरि, हिउचुलि, अन्नपूर्ण, माछापुच्छ्रे डेच पंम्वाङईङ डेउटाको (वाज्यू बराज्यू) मुच ठाम मन्डिकेवाटि होसे पंम्वाङईङ खेम जोहोच खोलाको कालिगण्डकी, बडिगाड, उत्तरगंगा, राप्टी डेच खोलाकोके काराङ्च डेउटा मन्डिवला । होसे खोला जोहोच ठाममाङ खयाकिङ  होडा मुच मगर झाँकरिको कार्हाङच झाँकरि मन्डिउला ।

मुस्ताङो न्हुविनी पंम्वाङइङ डि खेहेच वाटि होस्के सेहेचो (पवित्र) कालिगण्डकीढरियाङ गुल्मी वाग्लुङ, पाल्पा, पर्वत, स्याङजा, नवलपरासि मगरको मुच ठामको होटै राप्तिव रुकुम रोल्पा डेच ठामो  मगर झुरुमाङ काट भोया (बाउजा) र नउ नानिजाको झाँकरिकुङ कार्हाङच ठाम डेम चिन्डिसोला । कालिगण्डकिव ढरियाङ (चहिटो पाल्पाव पीपलडाँडा,रामपुर होटै स्याङ्जा गराङ्डी) व होसे बाउजा र नानिजा झाँकरि ज्ञान वार्चको ल्या । ढ्याङ्ग्रे लामा (झाँकरी दाज्यै) र नउ नानिजाकुङ मेल्लाहा-मेल्लाहाव मिगिन माखाट्चै नुङा । मेल्लाहा-मेल्लाहा माखाट्म झाँकरि वार्माके केट्नसिङ मेहेकोन पुन्के ठाला । यितजात्म पुन्नाङ -पुन्नाङ मेहेकुङ दाज्यैके माहुत्म नउ नानिजाको म्हाट्डिसा । यितजात्म म्हात्च नउ नानिजाको म्हात्च सोम्याकाङ कार्तिक ठूलि एकाडसिव याकाङ नउकन्या झाँक्रिनिको सेतिबिणी ( गुल्मी, पर्वत र स्याङ्जा सोम ठाम काटठामङ खाट्च कालिगण्डकी) व कन्याकोआङ पहिडिसन्या ।(आविर्भा) मेनो ज्यानाङ होसे नउ झाँक्रिनिको पहिडिस्नसिङ नानिजाकुङ मिमिक चिलिम्मो नानिजाको वुर्हुके ठाला । होसेको आस्काट-आस्काट छान्नसिङ डाङ्डिस्के ठाला । यितजात्म  झाँक्रिनिको कन्यानानिकुङ ज्यानाङ राहाम मेनो ज्यान  टानाक्के ठाला  हटै यिस्केनाङ घाँटु डेके ठाला । सेतिवेणी या सेतीघाटीङ  ठाल्चबाटी यिस्के सेतीघाटु डेनाङ डेनाङ न्हुनिङ सटीघाँटु डेके ठाला । यितजात्मो ज यिचेउ आर्मिन सटिघाँटु डेम चिन्डिसा । आलाकपटा सिचव सोम्याको घोटाङ सिच भर्मिव मिगिनके झाँक्रि वार्चए जिवाटाक्न वायूकोके मेनो ठामाङ डाके होटै स्याहानाङ ल्हिङनाङ होसे नउ कन्या नानिजाको ज्यानाङ काल्केवाटी मगर कुराङ (ढुट)  घोटु होटै ज घाटुव  ठपना छान्चै नुङा । स्याङ्जाव राम्चे डेच लाङ्घाव मगरकोई छिनिङपिहिन ड पट्ट ल्हेसव कार्तिक ठूली एकाडसीव याकाङ सेतिविणीयाङ नुङ्मो घाँटु स्याहाक्के याको ठालनी जाट्के होटै वैशाख पूर्णयाङ लांङघाङ स्याहाक्म तानाक्के जाट्च रोश ईन्हाङ ड ले ।

हिउचुलिव सात वहिनि नानिजाङ काट नानिजा  नवलपरासिव देवचुलियाङ मुके राहाच वखटाङ होलाङो पिचासखटा कार्हाङच पुन्ना छान्मल्या । देविय होसे पिचासके जुत्के माहेक्च पार भुमरि छान्मसिङ खेरेपो अर्खला डेच लाङ्घाङ घाँटु स्याहाम मुच न्हिस मगर नानीजाके भुरुक्न देवचुलि पाहाराङ टाहाक्नसिङ मेन लेखा मायू (देवी) खास्मल्या । होसेन्हुनिङ सोम (कन्या) नानिजाको काट छान्न होसे पिचासखटा पुन्निसिङ होस्केनाङ जुत्मल्या । यिसे काजुस चैत्र पूर्णाङ छान्चवाट देवचुली पाहाडाङव ओडाराङ सोम नानीजाको( कन्या) (मायू देवि ) घाटु देविकोके मन्दिके ठाला । देवचुलिव खेरेप खेरेप हुप्सेकोट, बुलिङटार, धौवादी, रुदपुर, अर्खला, कीर्तिपुर डेच ठामव मगरको र नवलपुरव थारुको खाट्म कठ मगर झाँक्रि र थारु गुरौको स्याहाठाङ झाक्रि (तान्त्रिक) बिधिईङको घाँटु देवी (सोम नानीजा मायू, कुमारीको) व पूजा जाट्च रोश कयाकिङहोडा केस्चै राहाच  आले । होट छान्म मगरकुङ ढलिङ लांङ्घाङ चैत्र पूर्णेव याकाङ घाँटु स्याहाक्के थाल्ले र बैशाख पुर्णेयाङ चण्डी पूजा जात्म होसे याकाङ पट्ट लाङ्घाव लाङ्घालिके एट्म मूली आहानाङ गुरुमोईको  ल्हिङ्म र घाटुसार्याको स्याहाम  टानाक्के जाट्ले ।

An Introduction to China’s Monguor People

An Introduction to China’s Monguor People

Rachel Deason

16 June 2018

The Monguor are a relatively small ethnic minority in western China whose colorful traditions face extinction in the modern age. The Monguor, as the ethnic group is called by Western scholars, go by several names. They call themselves the Chaghan Monguor, which means “White Mongols.” Their official name in China, however, is Tu, which may derive from Tuyühu Khan, a possible ancestor of the Monguor.

Homeland

Most Monguor live in the eastern part of western China’s Qinghai province, primarily in the Datong Hui and Tu Autonomous County, the Minhe Hui and Tu Autonomous County, and the Huzhu Tu Autonomous County. Most live off the land, subsisting as farmers and dabbling in animal husbandry as well as seasonal work in the cities. The average yearly temperature in Monguor lands is around 8°C (46.5°F).

Qinghai province is large but scarcely populated, and much of it once belonged to Tibet, helping explain the overwhelming number of Tibetan Buddhists within Monguor ranks.

History

Monguor history is widely contested, with some scholars believing the people to be direct descendants of the Xianbei – or proto-Mongols – and others claiming the Monguor first arose in the Yuan dynasty as mixed-race descendants of Mongol troops stationed in the Qinghai area. Some even believe the Monguor to be Turkic or Han in blood.

One reason it is so difficult to pinpoint the origins of the Monguor is due to wide diversity within the group, as well as the confusing system of classification of ethnic minorities that the Chinese government imposed after 1949. By the time of the Communist takeover, the Monguor had already begun to lose their language. Those who were Monguor but could only speak Mandarin were classified as Han, the term for China’s largest ethnic group. Those who could not speak their language but had adopted Islam were classified as Hui, an umbrella term for Chinese Muslims who don’t fit neatly into another ethnic group. Those who could speak their language and had adopted Islam were sorted into the Dongxiang, Bao’an, and Yugu.

Culture

Throughout their disjointed and convoluted history, the Monguor have lost many of the traditions that once made them unique. However, there are still elements of the culture that refuse to die off.

Though most Monguor now only speak Mandarin, two distinct Monguor languages still exist: Mongghul and Mangghuer, both Mongolic languages. In 1979, a script based on the Roman alphabet was created for Mongghul and quickly caught on with those living in Huzhu Tu Autonomous County. Still, the script didn’t help significantly in the preservation of the language.

An estimated 98% of all Monguor are Tibetan Buddhist, and Tibet even considers them part of the Tibetan nationality, despite no historical, cultural, or linguistic ties between the two groups. Their main center of worship is the Youning Monastery, located about an hour and a half from Qinghai’s capital of Xining. Most villages have their own Buddhist temple and Taoist shrine as well.

Unlike their Han neighbors, whose main festival is Chinese New Year, the Monguor’s main holiday is Nadun, a 63-day festival held at the end of the summer, which celebrates the harvest. Celebrations themselves don’t last as long as they once did, mirroring the unfortunate decline of Monguor culture. The festival does, however, nod back to the Monguor’s animistic and shamanistic past, with a medium known as the Fala being a large part of the festivities. Other Nadun traditions include the donning of masks for dances that retell Monguor history.

Source: https://theculturetrip.com/asia/china/articles/an-introduction-to-chinas-monguor-people/

The Khas people of Nepal

The Khas people of Nepal

The mere fact the Khas people (Bahuns, Chettris, etc) have been inhabitants in modern day Nepal for centuries stakes their equal claim in the restructuring process.  By Namit Wagley Feb. 14, 2015, 5:45 p.m. Published in Magazine Issue: Vol: 08 No. -16 February. 13- 2015 (Falgun 1, 2071) Dr. Bipin Adhikari’s Nepal ka Khas Jaati is an informative booklet that sheds light on the might as well as the plight of one of the most prominent tribes in Nepal, the Khas tribe. The booklet is well researched and contains historical accounts from various early as well as modern European, Indian and Nepali historians. It is easy to read and provides a straight forward account of the historical events. Originating from modern day Central Asia, the Khas people are said to have migrated from their ancestral land towards the Himalayan region of southern Asia (Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Nepal) in ancient times. The modern day Khas include Chhetri, Bahun, Kami, Thakuri, Sarki, Sannyasi, Badi, Damai, Gaine and others. According to the author, the period of their migration remains ambiguous and stretches back to the pre-christ era. In Nepal, the Khas people first settled around present day Karnali region. The Khas kings formed the famous Malla Kingdom, which ruled Khasan (Jumla) from the eleventh century before collapsing and splintering into local dominions during the fourteenth century. In this booklet, Dr. Adhikari seeks to debunk a lot of popularized myths about the Khas people. One such myth is that they migrated to Nepal from India to evade the Muslim tyranny. Historical sources have confirmed that this is in fact not true. The existence of Khas people in the Nepali region dates back well before the time of the great Mogul empire in the south. It is accepted that some Brahmins did flee to Nepal, during Mogul regime, and started enforcing the caste system in Nepal. In that regard, some Bahuns today are probably descendents of these Indian refugees; however, the vast majorities are still Khas people. Also, Dr. Adhikari sheds light on the significant influence Khas people have had on the cultural traditions of Nepal. Practices such as Dheusi, Bhailo are common place in Nepal. These practices are a result of the Khas influence. The prevalent tradition of the oracle, Dhami, is another practice synonymous with Khas traditions. Moreover, the Khas language, modern day Nepali, became the national language when the Shah dynasty of Gorkha unified the splintered Himalayan region into modern Nepal. Further, Dr. Adhikari takes us on the journey of the evolution of Khas tribes from uncivilized nomadic tribes to the civilized classes of Nepal. The prominent roles of Hinduism and Buddhism have been mentioned here. Further, Dr. Adhikari stresses the benevolent nature of Khas assimilation in Nepali demographic. The cultural exchanges between the Khas and non-Khas have been emphasized in many occasions. Similarly, the adoption of Hinduism and Buddhism, and the conservation of religions heritages have been highlighted during the regimes of Kra Challa, Ashok Challa and Punya Malla. Moreover, Dr. Adhikari elucidates some of the misconceptions about the Khas origins. He argues that the negative depiction granted to them in the religious Hindu texts such as Mahabharat, as barbarous savages, has had a profound impact on their status. According to him, the lower status of Khas people prescribed by the holy Hindu scrolls, led the early rulers, such as Ram Shah, to falsely claim their ancestral origins when in fact they were none other than the descendants of the nomadic Khas from Eurasia. Further, the introduction of the class system through the Indian influence caused native Khas Bahuns and Chettris to denounce their Khas origins in order to claim a greater status in class hierarchy. Prior to Indian influence, the Khas societies did not have any class structure. In this regards, the author professes that assimilation to Hinduism and Buddhism, despite contributing a great deal in their adaptation to the region, caused the Khas people to lose a lot of their cultural legacy. As a result, majority of Khas descendants today are misguided in accepting their ancestral recognition. Subsequently, Dr. Adhikari highlights the role of Khas in the unification movement during the Shah era and their subsequent significance to maintenance of Nepalese sovereignty, especially in light of glooming threats in the north and the south. The book is a valuable piece of work that disproves a lot of arguments floating around instigating identity politics in Nepal. The mere fact the Khas people (Bahuns, Chettris, etc) have been inhabitants in modern day Nepal for centuries stakes their equal claim in the restructuring process. The booklet claims that the Khas are as indigenous to Nepal as the Kirants, Bhotiyas and Janajatis. However, read more closely, the book, in enlightening the readers about the evolution of Khas settlement in Nepal, provides a valuable lesson to the future inhabitants. The Khas tribes came into Nepal; inhabited lands peacefully, respected other tribes, their traditions and also accepted the popular religion of the region. This is a quintessential element of a benevolent tribe. Their nomadic lifestyle, warrior built and Himalayan work ethic condemned them to the footnote of Hindu class structure. Nevertheless, Nepal owes a debt of gratitude to the Khas tribes that inhabited these lands. In fact, there is a lot to learn from them as well. This booklet is indeed a good place to start. Source: https://www.spotlightnepal.com/2015/02/14/nepal-ka-khas-jaati/

चेम्जोङलाई पढेर

चेम्जोङलाई पढेर

कोसेली

मंसिर १४, २०७०सौरभ

बन्दका बेला बाहिर निस्किने काम गरिएन । वेबसाइटमा स्व. इमानसिंह चेमजोङ लिखित
ँहिस्ट्री अफ किराँत’ भेटियो । प्रस्तुत लेख त्यही पुस्तक पढ्दाको परिणाम हो ।

१) काबुलको लोककथामा त्यहाँको हजारा जाति र नेपालका किराँत एउटै थिए – सुरुमा पर्सियाबाट आउँदा । तर, हजारा जातिको नेता लालेहाङ नेपालमा पुगेर गोरखा बन्यो । -चेम्जोङ पेज ४)
हजाराको बारेमा यथार्थ हो – चङ्गेजखानको १२२१ मा भएको बामियान आक्रमणका बेला छुटेको हजार जनाको डफ्फाबाट ‘हजारा’ आउँछ ।
२) तिनले आसाम र लोहितलाई म्लेच्छ देश वा मेचेहरूको देश भन्दथे । -चेम्जोङ पेज ७)
म्लेच्छ देश भनेको मलय पर्वतयुक्त पहिलेको मलाया र अहिलेको मलेसिया हो । बरु मलय पर्वतलाई चन्दनयुक्त मानिएको छ र चन्दन वृक्ष -स्यान्टलम एल्बम) को उत्पत्ति मलेसिया छेउको इन्डोनेसियास्थित जाभा भएको आधुनिक विज्ञान -इन्डेक्स केवेन्सिस) ले पनि मानेको छ । मेचेलाई नेपालमा मात्रै मेचे भन्ने हो मेची नदीबाट । अन्यथा यसको भारतीय नाम बोडो हो, जसलाई चीनको फुजियान प्रान्तबाट आएको मानिन्छ ।
३) महाभारतकालमा आठ किराँत राज्य थिए भनी मार्कण्डेय पुराणले लेखेको छ । -चेम्जोङ पेज ७)
उक्त पुराणको कुन ठाउँमा लेखेको रहेछ पंक्तिकारले फेला पार्न सकेन । अर्थात् चेम्जोङले मार्कण्डेय पढेका छैनन् । त्यसमाथि महाभारतकाल पाँच हजार वर्षअघिको हो । र, मार्कण्डेय पुराण लेखियो २ हजार वर्षअघि । त्यति वर्षको ग्यापमा कति कुरा शुद्ध होलान् । बरु, मत्स्य र ब्रह्माण्डमा किराँत शब्द परेको छ लेखेको भए शुद्ध हुन्थ्यो ।
४) किराँत असुर जातिले आसाममा उत्तरबाट आएका चिनियाँसँग मिली राज्य खडा गरे । तिनको पहिलो प्रसिद्ध राजा नरकासुर थिए । उनको राजधानी प्राग्ज्योतिषपुर थियो । -चेम्जोङ पेज ८)
प्राग्ज्योतिषपुरका पहिलो राजा रामका नाति र कुशका छोरा अमूर्तराज थिए । यो रामायणमै छ । नरकासुरको कुरा गर्ने महाभारत र भागवत आदि रामायणभन्दा धेरै पछिका हुन् ।
५) जितेदस्तीको समयमा -लिम्बूहरूले) एउटा भेला गरी मुखियाहरूको सर्वसम्मतिले भाइफुट्टाहाङलाई आप\mनो नेताका रूपमा ईशापूर्व पाँच सयमा चुने । -चेम्जोङ पेज १०)
यो भेन्सिटार्टको पुस्तकको पेज १३४ बाट सारिएको हो, जसको कुनै स्रोत छैन । त्यतिबेला हाङ शब्द जन्मिएको थिएन, किनभने सी ह्वाङ ती सम्राट भइसकेका थिएनन् चीनका । त्यसमाथि भेन्सिटार्टले पेज १३१ मा लिम्बूहरूलाई झगडालु भनेका छन् । यो भाइफुट्टाहाङ तिनले गरेको ठूलो व्यङ्ग्य हो भन्ने स्पष्टै छ । त्यति मात्र होइन, यही बानीले गर्दा उनीहरू रहेको भैरवनाथ गणलाई समेत अरूबाट टाढै राख्ने गरेको कुरा लेखेका छन् सोही पेजमा ।
६) चाणक्यको राजनीतिक चलाखीले उत्तर विहार र उत्तर बंगालका किराँत राजा प्रभातक मारिए । त्यसपछि किराँतहरू पहाड लागे । त्यसपछि तिनलाई मधेसिया किराँत वा काशी गोत्रका किराँत भनियो । -चेम्जोङ पेज ११) ।
जब कि पोरस -प्रभातेश्वर) किराँत थिएनन्, न तिनी पन्जाब छोडेर कहिल्यै मगध आए । बरु, आफैं चन्द्रगुप्त मौर्यका छोरा बिन्दुसारका समय मन्त्री सुबन्धुका हातबाट मारिए ।
७) पर्सियाबाट आई अप|mासियाबले तिरहुतमा आक्रमण गरी किराँत फौजलाई हरायो । -चेम्जोङ पेज १५) ।
अप|mासियाब फिर्दाैसीको शाहनामामा परेको एउटा बोक्सोरूपी बादशाही पात्रको नाम हो, जसको भौतिक अस्तित्वको पुष्टि आजसम्म भएको छैन । हकिम फिर्दाैसीको शाहनामा ईस्वीको १०१० मा मात्र लेखिसिध्याइयो र भारतमा मध्यएसियायी क्षेत्रबाट पहिलो हमला ईस्वीको ११९१ मा मात्र भएको मानिएको छ । शाहनामाको एउटा सदियौं पुरानो प्रति छाउनीको संग्रहालयमा छ पनि । अरू थप्नु परेन ।
८) ऋग्वेद -१०/९९/१०) ले प्राचीन युगमा असुर राजाहरूको उपनिवेश इन्डस उपत्यका र सौराष्ट्रमा थियो भनेर प्रमाणित गरको छ । -चेम्जोङ पेज ४५)
तर, १०औं मण्डल, ९९औं सूक्त, १०औं ऋचा भनिएको हो भने त्यो कुरा कतै छैन । त्यहाँ मात्रै होइन, अन्यत्र पनि छैन । चेम्जोङले ऋग्वेद पढेका छैनन् ।
९) किराँत मुन्धुमले भन्दछ- काचीनहरू -बर्माका) नेपाल तराईको सिमानगढ -सिङमाङगढ/सिमरौनगढ) बाट त्यतातर्फ लागेका हुन् । -चेम्जोङ लिम्बू शब्दकोश पेज ४ र किराँत इतिहास पेज ४८)
जबकि आजभोलि बारामा पर्ने यो ठाउँको नाम सिमरौनगढ हो । सिमरन शब्दबाट सिमल शब्द बन्दछ । सिमलको जंगलले भरिएको यस वनदुर्गको नामकरण सबै जान्दछन् एघारौं शताब्दीमा मात्र भएको हो, जब त्यहाँ नान्यदेवले राज्यस्थापना गरे ।
१०) शान जाति -बर्माका) दक्षिणतर्फ बढेर बर्माको मध्यमा शान सङ्घ खडा गर्‍यो । तिनको प्रमुखलाई शब्बा भनिन्थ्यो । त्यसैबाट सुब्बा शब्द आयो । -चेम्जोङ पेज ४८)
सबै जान्दछन् सुबह -इलाका/क्षेत्र) को प्रशासकलाई मुगलकालमा सुबहदार -गभर्नर) भन्ने चलन थियो । जहाँगिरको समयमा शाहजहाँ स्वयम् लाहोरका सुबहदार थिए, बादशाह हुनुअघि । सुबह शब्द बाबरले बर्माको भाग नटेक्दै बनिसकेको थियो । यसैबाट आएको हो सुब्बा । इन्डोनेसियाको प्रान्त सबाह पनि यसैगरी बनेको हो, जसको बर्मासँग कुनै सम्बन्ध थिएन ।
११) पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले सन् १७६८ मा किपट उन्मूलन गरिदिए । -चेम्जोङ पेज ८५) जुन वि.सं. १८३१ को सनदमा दिइएको कबुलअनुरूप थिएन । अर्थात् यही किपट नहुनु नै सबैभन्दा असन्तोषको विषय हो ।
तर १८३१ को सनदमा किपट शब्द कतै परेको छैन । यो पहिलो कुरा भयो । दोस्रो कुरा किपटको मूल रूप क्रितपत्र हो । अर्थात् किनिएको जमिन । यसैले किपट राई, लिम्बू आदि जातजातिको मात्रै हुन्थ्यो भन्ने कुरा होइन, बाहुन-क्षत्रीको पनि हुन्थ्यो । किनभने, किपट डोटी, बैतडी, अछाम, दैलेख, जुम्लामा पनि पाइएको छ ।
किपट भनेको छाप, बिरौटा, जागिरजस्तै जमिनको एक रूप हो । सामान्यतया किपट भन्नाले सिकार गर्न मिल्ने जंगलयुक्त पाखो भन्ने बुझिन्छ, खेतीपाती नगर्ने सिकार गर्ने जातजातिको । छाप भन्नाले सामान्यतया एक रुपैयाँ तिरेर छाप लगाई किनिएको जमिन हो । जसबाट डुकुछाप -पाटन), दिबानछाप -इलाम), भोटेछाप, सानीछाप, सुन्दरीछाप -तेह्रथुम), थोलेछाप, छापगाउँ, कार्कीछाप, ढुंगेछाप -भोजपुर), कार्कीछाप -खोटाङ), बाँचाछाप, बाग्रीछाप, भर्तीछाप, भोटेछाप, बोर्लाछाप, छुआनछाप -ओखलढुंगा) बन्न गएका छन् । बिरौटा भनेको प्रायः बाहुनका हुन्छन् । बँदेलको भाले -वीर) ले दाह्राले उधिनेको अर्थमा उधिनिएको, खनिएको, खोसि्रएको, खेत बनाइएकोबाट बिरौटा -बिर्ता) शब्द आउँछ । जागिर भनेको प्रायः क्षत्रीको हुन्छ, सैन्य भएबापत तलब दिनुनपर्ने उसले आयस्ता खान पाउने जमिन हो । पूर्वी नेपालकै मात्र कुरा गर्दा पनि जागिर भित्ता -उदयपुर), धनबहादुरको जागिर -मोरङ), जागिर गाउँ -धनकुटा), जागिरदारबारी -झापा) जस्ता ठाउँ अझै छन् ।
१२) स्रङचङ गम्पो -सातौं शताब्दी)का समय किराँत राजा हंसुदेव काठमाडौंको कोरी/कोली द्रङ्गस्थित किल्लाबाट राज्य गर्थे । द्रङ्ग अर्थात् दरबार अहिले बबरमहल भएको ठाउँमा थियो । -चेम्जोङ पेज ८९)
उनले हंसुदेव भनेका पात्र अंशुबर्मा हुन् । उनले कोरी भनेको ठाउँ कुरियागाउँ हो, जहाँ भर्खरै भित्रिएको मुरली मकै लगाउन थालेपछि बाँदरले दुःख दिन थाल्यो । रातबिहानै साराका साराले कुर्न थालेकाले कुरियागाउँ नाउँ रहन गएको हो । तर, यो जंगबहादुरको समयको कुरा हो अंशुबर्माको समय होइन । स्रङचङ गम्पोले नै अंशुबर्मापछि एक वर्ष कुरियागाउँमा बसेर नेपालको शासन गरेका थिएसम्म पनि लेख्छन् उनी । -चेम्जोङ पेज ८९)
र, के भने दरबारको पूर्वरूप द्रङ्ग होइन । पारसी शब्द दरको अर्थ भित्र हो । यसैले दरबारिया भन्नाले भित्रिया भन्ने हुन्छ । दरबार शब्द सत्रौं शताब्दीमा मुगल भारतबाट प्रचलित भएको हो । यसैले अबुझ वीरशमशेरले आफ्ना नौ घरका नाम प्रत्यय दरबार राखे पनि चन्द्रशमशेरले सिंहदरबार मात्र बनाए, अरू घरलाई महल नाम दिए । जुद्धशमशेर सिंहदरबारमा बसे । आफूले निर्माण गरेका घरहरूलाई भवन नाम दिए । तर, दरको मूल संस्कृत शब्द द्वार नै हो ।
१३) हर्षबर्धनपछि अर्जुनले चिनियाँ राजदूत वाङ हुयन त्सेलाई अपमान गरेकाले अर्जुनविरुद्ध स्रङचङ गम्पो र आसामका राजा भाष्कर बर्मा वा कुमारले सघाए । -चेम्जोङ पेज ९२)
अर्जुन होइन, अरुणाश्व हुन् । वाङ हुयन त्सेलाई अपमान गरेको होइन, चिनियाँ प्रतिनिधिमण्डललाई नै मारेकाले अरुणाश्वविरुद्ध चिनियाँ युद्धमा सन् ६४८ मा स्रङचङ गम्पोले सघाए । भाष्कर बर्माको हर्षवर्धनसँग मित्रता थियो अवश्य । तर, ६४७ मै हर्षवर्धन मरिसकेका थिए ।
१४) भृकुटी स्रङचङ गम्पोकी छोरी थिइन्, हंसुदेवसँग उनको विवाह भएको थियो । -चेम्जोङ पेज ९१) लेखिसकेपछि पेज १०० मा उनी फेरि जोड्छन्- स्रङचङ गम्पोले अंशुबर्माकी छोरी भृकुटीसँग विवाह गरेका थिए ।
अब हाम्रो परम्परागत इतिहासमा जाने हो भने यहाँ सोझै बाबुसँग छोरीको विवाह हुन पुगेको छ । अद्भूतरामायण -श्लोक २१६ र त्यसपछि) ले भनेजस्तो सीता रावणकी धर्मपुत्री नै सावित हुन पुग्छिन् । अरू विस्तारको जरुरी भएन ।
१५) लिम्बूहरू भनेका किराँत, चिनियाँ र शानमोकवान जातिको मिश्रण हो- चेम्जोङ लेख्छन् । किराँत राजा मोकवान शान -चेम्जोङ पेज १०४) ।
यहाँनिर शान मोकवान जाति र व्यक्ति दुवैको नाम बन्न पुगेको छ । यो आफैंमा अन्योल किन भएको हो भने शान जाति त्यहाँ अवश्य छ, तर मोकवान कतै छैन । किनभने, उनको शानमोकवानको प्रेरणा सेनमकवानी बुझिन्छ, जसको एउटा शाखाले विजयपुरलाई राजधानी बनाएर टिष्टा नदीसम्म शासन गर्‍यो । मकवानपुरमा सेन राज्य थियो नै ।
धर्मपाल, मगधका राजाले मिथिलाको शासन सन् ७७०-८१५ बीच किराँतहरूबाटै लिए । -चेम्जोङ पेज १०४)
उनले यो ठाउँ भर्ने प्रयास गरेका छन् । किनभने, उनी जान्दछन् यो समय अन्धकार छ नेपालको इतिहासमा ।
१६) सुनीतिकुमार चटर्जी पनि भन्छन् अरमुडी संस्कृत शब्द होइन । -चेम्जोङ पेज १३०)
अरमुडी संस्कृत नै हो । अरि -शत्रु) मुडी -मर्दन) गर्ने -चटर्जीले केराखेती नेपाली पहाडमा कोलीहरूले ल्याएका हुन् भनेका छन् एक ठाउँ । तर, केरा नेपालको रैथाने हो कसैले खेती गर्न सिकाउनु नपर्ने । पूर्वी पहाडका केही ठाउँमा केरालाई कोला भनिन्छ भन्ने जर्ज गि्रयर्सनको अनुसन्धानबाट थाहा पाएर उनले त्यसो भनेका हुन् । तर, नेपालको रैथाने वनकेरा -म्युसा बाल्वेसियाना) बाटै घरकेरा -म्युसा प्याराडिसिका) को विकास भएको हो । चटर्जी नेपालका कैयन् सन्दर्भमा आलोच्य छन् ।)
१७) घलेहरू वाषिर्क दौडका निम्ति जुटिरहेका बेला, द्रव्य शाह सुटुक्क लिगलिग दरबारभित्र पसे र खाली गद्दीमा बसे । उनीहरूले विजेतालाई गद्दीमा राख्न ल्याउँदा गद्दी खाली राख्नु हुँदैन भन्ने थाहा छैन ? भन्दै बसेको बस्यै गरिदिए । -चेम्जोङ पेज १३६)
सबै जान्दछन् द्रव्य शाहले दौडमा भाग लिएका थिए । र, दोस्रो कुरा घलेहरू त्यतिबिघ्न अबुझ पनि थिएनन् होला, चार सय वर्ष मात्र अगाडि जो नियम मिचेर गद्दीमा पहिल्यै बस्दैमा त्यसलाई मानिहाल्ने ? यसर्थ यो नितान्त पूर्वाग्रही लेखोट हो । यसै पनि जुन ठाउँमा उनको राज्याभिषेक भएको मानिन्छ, त्यो सानो जमिनको पाटो छ, ढुंगैढुंगाको थुप्रो भरिएको, त्यसलाई गद्दी मान्ने कुरै भएन ।
चेम्जोङकै शैलीमा जाने हो भने यतिबेला पनि सामान बोकेर पहाडी गाउँघर पुग्ने खच्चडहरूको लाममा नौओटाको छुट्टाछुट्टै जमात हुन्छ । सबैभन्दा अघिल्लो खच्चडलाई लम्बु भनिन्छ, सबैभन्दा पछिल्लोलाई घले । यो घले सधैं अन्त्यमा रहन्छ र आफूअगाडिका खच्चडलाई अनुशासित पनि गर्दछ । यो प्रचलनले घले दौडमा पछि नै थियो भन्ने पुष्टि हुन्छ । र, द्रव्य शाह घलेभन्दा धेरै अग्ला थिए भन्ने पनि ।
१८) मगर राजा बलिहाङले द्यौसीभैलोको चलन ल्याएका हुन् । -चेम्जोङ पेज १४३)
मगर परे गैरवैदिक, द्यौसीभैलो पर्‍यो तिहार अर्थात् सनातन चाडभित्रको एउटा रमिता । कसरी बलिहाङले ल्याए होलान् ? त्यसमाथि यो पाँच सय वर्षअघिका जुम्ली राजा बलिराज शाहीले युद्धखर्च उठाउन चलाएको भनेर बुझिँदै आइएको छ । बलिहाङलाई श्रेय दिने फिरंगी हेमिल्टन हुन् । गोराले बोलेपछि पाको भइहाल्यो ।
१९) हिन्दू धर्मप्रचारकहरूले पश्चिम नेपालमा हिन्दू धर्मप्रचार सुरु गरे । पाल्पाका शाह राजा हिन्दू हुने पहिलो थिए । उनको नाउँ चिल्लाराय थियो । -चेम्जोङ पेज १४७) लेखिसकेपछि उनको अर्काे पंक्ति छ – आसामका राजा शुक्लध्वजको नाउँ चिल्लाराय थियो । -चेम्जोङ पेज २३६)
अब यहाँनिर आएपछि कालिम्पोङमा जन्मेका ईसाई चेम्जोङको हिन्दूधर्मप्रतिको वितृष्णा र यो पुस्तक लेख्नुको उद्देश्य बुझ्न सकिन्छ- पहिलो कुरा । प्रेरणा हो उही फिरंगी हेमिल्टन । दोस्रो कुरा – चिल्लाराय लेखिए पनि मध्यनेपालका ठकुरीहरूले पूर्वज भनी नाम लिइने पात्र हुन् जिलाराय ।
अकबरले छोरी सदलसँग विवाह गर्न चाहेपछि जिलाराय उज्जैन हुँदै नेपाल पुगेको ठकुरीहरूको कथा पढ्न पाइन्छ । तर, अकबरको पूरा नाम जलालुद्दिन अकबर हो । उनले हिन्दू र मुसलमान धर्ममा निहित केही गुण समेटेर दीन-ए-इलाही मत प्रतिपादन गरेपछि उनलाई नै जिल-ए-इलाही भन्न थालियो । -यही मतका विरुद्ध वैदिक सनातनीहरूले सत्यनारायण मतको परिकल्पना गरे) । त्यही हो, जिलाराय -उनको चिल्ला) नामको प्रेरणा र अकबरसँग जोड्ने हौसला । यो कथा हो यथार्थ होइन ।
२०) मुख्यमन्त्री बुद्धिकर्ण राई -चेम्जोङ पेज १५३), देवान बुद्धिकर्ण राई -चेम्जोङ पेज १५३) बुद्धिकर्ण राईले कामदत्त सेनको राज्य जफत गरेका थिए -चेम्जोङ पेज १५३) लेखिसकेपछि त्यस समयमा राजा बुद्धिकर्ण राई पहाडका राजाहरूमा अति चलाख थिए -चेम्जोङ पेज १९७) लेख्न कसरी मिल्यो ? विचित्र छ ।
विजयनारायण राईले राय पद दिएपछि यसरी मुरेहाङ खेवाङ लिम्बू त्यस्तो राय पदवी पाउने पहिलो पहाडी किराँत मुखिया बन्यो सोह्रौं शताब्दीमा -चेम्जोङ पेज १५४) ले आफ्नो कुरा कति हदसम्म काटेको छ, पत्तो छैन ।
२१) अर्का सेनापति टिपुटाका थिए । -चेम्जोङ पेज २११)
सिक्किमसँग नेपालको द्वन्द्व सन् १७७१ मा भएको थियो, नभन्दै त्यही वर्ष भारतको मैसुरका टिपु सुल्तानको इष्ट इन्डिया कम्पनीसँग पहिलो मैसुर युद्ध भएको थियो । यसबाट टिपुको प्रसिद्धि व्यापक भयो । चौथो मैसुर युद्धमा मारिएपछि उनका सन्तानलाई टाका -बंगाली मुद्रा) भत्ता दिई कलकत्तामा ल्याई अंग्रेजहरूले राखे ।
२२) तिनीहरूले गोरखालाई सत्रओटा युद्धमा हराए । त्यसकारण सिक्किमको सेनापति छ्योकथुक बारफोङलाई गोरखाद्वारा सत्राजित भनियो । लाप्चाहरूले उनलाई अथिङ -विजयी) भने । -चेम्जोङ पेज २१५)
सत्रसत्रओटा युद्धमा हारेपछि गोर्खाली पक्षबाट पनि केही लेखिनुपथ्र्यो । आखिर कीर्तिपुरसँग दुईपल्ट मात्र हारेकोमाथि लेखिएकै थियो । तर, बारफोङसँगको द्वन्द्वबारे केही लेखिएन । किनभने, लेखिने कुरै थिएन ।
सत्राजित भागवतपुराणको एक पात्र कृष्णको ससुरा हो । छ्योकथुकको लेप्चा अर्थ योग्य र जिम्मेवार मात्र हो । विजयी पनि त्यस्तै हो । अर्थात् यी सबै विशेषण मात्रै भए नाम भएनन् । तर, जसले औरंगजेबको सेनापति रामसिंह द्वितीयलाई ब्रह्मपुत्रमा तीनपल्ट हरायो, ऊ अहोम् सेनापति लक्षित बाराफुकन हो । यो बाराफुकन यहाँ बाराफुङ हुन पुगेको छ । जुवा खेल्दा तीन पासा सुल्टो पल्टिँदा अंक ६+६+५≠१७ अंक पुग्यो भने खेलाडीले सत्रै पार्‍यो -जित्यो) भनिन्छ । तैपनि यो यति भयावह रूपमा अशुद्ध किन भएको छ भने स्रोत हुन् डेनियल राइट/भेन्सिटार्ट पेज १४९ जसको कुनै स्रोत छैन । यद्यपि, भेन्सिटार्टले पनि ती कथित लेप्चा सेनापति हारेकै कुरा लेखेका छन् – ‘बट हि वाज हिमसेल्फ इभेन्च्युअल्ली सब ड्युड ।’
२३) राजा भाष्कर बर्मा सातौं शताब्दीमा आसाम, नेपाल र उत्तरी बर्माका प्रसिद्ध राजा थिए । -चेम्जोङ पेज २३२)
त्यसो हो भने अंशुबर्मा, शिवदेव, नरेन्द्रदेवका पचासौं शिलालेख भेटिएको सातौं शताब्दीको भाष्कर बर्माको शिलालेखचाहिँ किन नभेटिएको हो ? अचम्मै छ ।
२४) किराँत जातिले अफगानिस्तानदेखि आसामसम्म शासन गरेको थियो । पछिबाट खस जातिहरू उत्तरबाट आएर किराँतहरूसँग युद्ध गरे । -चेम्जोङ पेज २३९-२४०)
खसहरू काबुलदेखि टिष्टासम्म छन् भनी एटकिन्सनले लेखेका थिए । यहाँ त्यही खस शब्द झिकेर किराँत शब्द ठ्याक्कै राखिएको छ । जब कि एटकिन्सनको लेखाइको यथार्थ के हो भने बडाखसान पर्दछ आजको अफगानिस्तानको उत्तरपूर्वी र ताजकिस्तानको दक्षिणपूर्वी भूभागमा । आज पनि अफगानिस्तानले त्यसलाई बडाखसान प्रदेश नाम दिएको छ र ताजकिस्तानले पनि बडाखसान प्रदेश नाम दिएको छ । करिब ६ हजार वर्षपहिले नै त्यहाँको अर्धबहुमूल्य पत्थर नृपोपल -लेपिस लाजली) विश्वभर छरिन्थ्यो । अहिले यहाँ खसबोधक खोसाजाति बस्दछन् ।
खासी पर्वत शृंखला छ बडाखसानको सुदूरपश्चिमतिर भारतको आसाममा । यहाँ बस्ने जातिलाई भनिन्छ खासी । मंगोल नश्लका हुन् । तर, तिनमा खसकै चलन छ- लासलाई जलाउने । यसैले खस एउटा संस्कृति मात्रै हो भन्नुपरेको । प्राचीन खसलाई मातृसत्तात्मक मान्ने हो भने खासी पनि मातृसत्तात्मक हुन् । यहाँका पुरुषलाई १९४४ सम्म मत हाल्ने अधिकार थिएन पनि ।
खसम भन्दछन् आफ्नो श्रीमान्लाई उत्तरभारतीय महिलाहरूले । यो मालिक/श्रीसम्पत्ति/संसारबोधक सम्बोधन हो । यसैबाट कसम -किरिया/शपथ) बन्दछ । जस्तो कि, नेवारहरूमा श्रीमान्श्रीमतीले एकअर्काेलाई बुझाउनुपर्दा जहान भन्ने चलन छ । पृथ्वी/संसारबोधक संस्कृतको ज्याबाट उर्दूको जहाँ र नेवारीको जहान बन्दछ । अर्थात् जसरी नेवार महिलाहरूले श्रीमान्लाई आफ्नो संसार ठान्दछन् त्यसैगरी कसम खानु कुरा नमिले संसारै सकियोस् भन्ने अर्थमा बनेको प्रतिक्रिया हो ।
अब द्रङ्गको अर्थ ः यही बडाखसानबाट अमुदरियाको उद्गम हुन्छ । दरियाको अर्थ नदी हो । तर, यही दरियाबाट भेग बुझाउने गरी अहिले पनि जुम्लामा असिदरा, पाँच सय दरा, सिञ्जादरा, चौधबीस दरा, कालिकोटमा कालिकोटदरा, बाह्रबीसदरा, रासकोटदरा, पलाँतादरा, सानीदरा, खालदरा, मुगुमा मुगुदरा, करानदरा, गमदरा, सत्याडदरा, हुम्लामा हुम्लादरा, गल्छादरा, सोलुदरा र डोल्पा जिल्लामा तिबि्रकोटदरा गरी १८ दरा अझै छन् । खासी हिल्सको उत्तरपट्ट िआसाममा दरङ जिल्लै छ । कास्कीको नाउँडाँडाबाट आधा घन्टाको दूरीमा दोरंगा भन्ने ठाउँ छ, जुन द्रङ्गबाट बिग्रेको हो ।
२५) उनीहरू राजा धनपालको नेतृत्वमा कोच राज्य स्थापना गरेको दाबी गर्छन् । -चेम्जोङ पेज २३९)
मोरङको कद्माहा गाविसमा धनपालको पोखरी भन्ने ठाउँ अवश्य छ । यस पोखरीको किनारमा रणपालको मन्दिर छ । दिल्लीबाट आएका अल्लारुदलले रुदललाई लिएर सुल्तानकहाँ गएको लोककथा पनि प्रचलित छ, जसको यथार्थ यस्तो हो –
आल्हा र उदाल -अल्लारुदल) महोवा राज्यका सेनापतिहरू हुन्, जसको विरोचित मृत्यु दिल्लीका शासक पृथ्वीराज चौहानसँगको लडाइँमा सन् ११८२ मा भयो । महोवा राज्य पर्दछ बुन्देलखण्डमा र बुन्देलखण्ड पर्दछ वर्तमान भारतको उत्तरप्रदेश र मध्यप्रदेशबीच । यसैले अल्लारुदलको प्रसंग कर्खा/वीरगाथा/सागा हो । तर रामपाल ठ्याक्कै सोही वर्ष अर्थात् सन् ११८२ मै मगधका सम्राट भए बंगाली पाल साम्राज्यअन्तर्गत । मगध पर्दछ मोरङको दक्षिणमा नेपालको सीमापारि । बंगाली पाल साम्राज्य भनिएकाले उनले ‘कोच’ थपिदिएका छन् । तर, यो कथाका धनपाल कोच होइनन् । यो समय नेपालको इतिहासमा अन्धकार रहेको जानेका चेम्जोङले ‘खाली ठाउँ भर’को नीति लिएका छन् ।
२६) ईशापूर्वको छैटौं शताब्दीतिर हुक्काङको लडाइँमा हारेर छरिएका १० लिम्बू सरदारले फिदिमको गढीगाउँस्थित आम्बे पोजोलाई जन्म दिए भन्ने चेम्जोङको लेखाइलाई एक लिम्बू विरही काइँलाले नै -१९९०) मा यो भ्रामक कुरा हो, भेन्सिटार्टको गन्थनबाट टिपेर बनाइएको हो भन्दै सो घटना विसं १८३० तिरको हो भनी लेखिसकेका छन् ।
२७) चेम्जोङले एक ठाउँ वाणले हानेर जितेको देशलाई लिम्बूवान् भन्ने अर्थ लगाएका छन् । त्यो विनाप्रमाणको अर्थलाई अर्का लिम्बू काजीमान कन्दङवाले किराँतेश्वर सन्देशमा खण्डन गरेका छन् ।
पुछारमा
उनले प्रशस्त ठाउँमा आफैलाई उद्धृत गरेका छन् । स्रोत नदिएका फिरंगीहरूलाई लिएका छन् । र, तिब्बती स्रोतहरू कहाँ छन् कतै स्पष्ट छैन । उनकै आधारमा पछिबाट अरु धेरैले लेख्दै गएकाले अशुद्ध भएको हो । तैपनि इतिहास नै आफ्नो विषय परेका विज्ञहरू किन आजसम्म चुप भएका हुन् ? रहस्यमय छ ।

प्रकाशित : मंसिर १५, २०७० १०:२९

https://www.kantipurdaily.com/koseli/2013/11/29/309740.html

 

Tracing the origins of the Gurungs

Tracing the origins of the Gurungs

New research findings on Gurung genealogy will have definite repercussions on the collective repositioning of various indigenous ethnic communities.

Mahendra P Lama

Published at : November 27, 2019

Updated at : November 27, 2019 07:01

There are layers of identities attributed to the citizen of a nation. It becomes more complex in a country where diverse communities live in compartmentalised geographies with complicated existential methods and competitive means of livelihood. For instance, a Bengali first carries the identity of an Indian national, then a Bengali from West Bengal, and finally a Sen or Mukherji or Das as a caste identity. Indian Gorkhas similarly carry in them a three-layer identity. Then there is the genealogy-based assertion connected to Aryan and Asiatic stocks; politico-sociological identities like high and low caste, and finally administrative-development denominations like Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Class.

At each layer of identity, the struggle for rights, privileges and facilities change both in terms of structural forms and cyclical behaviour. The context is inter-community competition between relatively underdeveloped Indian Gorkhas and remarkably advanced communities like Bengalis, Maratahis, Telegus, Assamese and Punjabis who have already achieved their own geographically and ethnically configured provinces.

Identity assertion

However geographically scattered, politically fragile and economically weaker Indian Gorkhas are, the identity assertion has remained farcically quadrangular. For instance, to fully realise the Indian national identity, there have been two rounds of violent movement by the Indian Gorkhas. At the same time, to overcome community and geography-based discrimination and development deprivation, demands to be categorised under various constitutional categories like Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Class have been pretty intense. Intra-community caste assertion is fully exploited by the political variables and institutions as seen in the formation of several boards in the name of Magars, Chettri-Bahun, Tamangs, Rais, Limbus, Gurungs and Sherpas in West Bengal.

There is a contrasting situation in Nepal and among the Nepalis of Nepal. Unlike the Indian Gorkhas’ case of identity assertion vis-à-vis other linguistic conglomerates like Tamils, Bengalis, Gujaratis and Biharis, in Nepal it has been an identity reassertion within a broad spectrum of the Nepali community and within a region. It is found at every stratum of dialect, language and religion. Within the broad ‘caste groups’ constituting over 58 percent of the total population of 26.5 million (2011 census), ethnic groups (35.8 percent) and others (5.8 percent), there has been steadily powerful contextualisation and repositioning of the Adibasi Janajati (indigenous nationalities) and Madhesis.

These distinct reorientations in both national discourse and political mobilisation, rejuvenated by a decade-long Maoist movement, have triggered newer varieties of actions among these communities. In this new game of ethnic juxtaposition, conscious and concerted efforts are made to relocate various indigenous nationalities in both the anthropological context and sociological parlance. This has made a reinterpretation of history and impregnation with newer findings literally inevitable.

One of the most far-reaching initiatives has come from the Gurungs, who have always been at loggerheads with the ‘forced’ induction of their genealogy from the south and inclusion of their clans in the orthodox caste-based structure of char jata as ‘upper caste’ and Sora jata as ‘lower caste’. This Hindu hierarchical genealogy was imposed by the Shah rulers in the 15th century. Gurungs constitute 2 percent of Nepal’s population. In a doctoral degree thesis entitled Understanding the Ethnic History of Nepal: A Case Study of the Gurungs recently submitted to Sichuan University in China, Tek Bahadur Gurung fascinatingly finds the triangular zone consisting of the Kokonor and upper reaches of the Yellow River, Lokha area and southwest China as the actual place of origin of the Tamu Mai Gurungs in Nepal. These three angles had people with 26.63 percent Mongolian DNA; 14.9 percent Tibetan DNA and 34.3 percent Naxi/Yi DNA respectively.

Tek Gurung totally discards the wilful manipulation of the historico-geographical origin of Gurungs and the mythification of their history by artificially injecting a ‘divisive hierarchical genealogy’. This was made part of Tharagotrapravaravali in 1855 just one year after the implementation of Muluki Ain. His protracted efforts to substantiate archaeological investigation done in Nepal that provided valuable evidence for a northerly origin of Gurungs bore fruit only after he conducted sound scientific supporting evidence like DNA testing. He found the ‘Tibetan-Yi Corridor as a significant framework of migration for Gurungs as one of the Tibeto-Burman peoples’.

Gurung did something that social science scholars would generally hesitate to venture. He carried out a DNA analysis of eight Gurung persons for their ancestry compositions and then overlay these DNA results on the Tibetan-Yi Corridor to scientifically understand migratory origin of Gurungs. He concluded that ‘their original village is most likely located around Kokonor which their mythology remember as Koko li mahrshyo‘.

Oral traditions

Tracing the route of the migration, he concluded that ‘their primaeval ancestors migrated southwards from the upper reaches of the Yellow River around eight thousand years ago. They reached the Yunnan area about six thousand years ago. Apparently, they reached the Tibet or Lhoka (shannan) area before one hundred BC. Finally, they reached the present parts of Nepal more than two thousand years ago and it seems most likely that they were already there at Kohla before the beginning of AD’. Tek Gurung traverses a continuum of discourse and formidable frontiers of interpretations and scholarly research. The oral traditions of Gurungs Pe Da Lhu Da and cosmological and cultural belief systems as collected in the Kerlo are very richly captured.

This new research finding will have definite repercussions on the collective repositioning of various indigenous ethnic communities in Nepal. Its cross-border connections in the entire Himalayan belt including Bhutan, Darjeeling, Sikkim, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and the north-eastern region of India will be of both local and regional significance. This will be a vital breakthrough instrument for the Gurungs in India who have been a highly potential and deserving community to be in the list of Scheduled Tribes. Both the offices of the Anthropological Survey and the Registrar General in India could use this new finding as determining input to show the medieval migratory character of this tribal group. For indigenous scholars in the Himalaya, Tej Gurung’s innovative research methodology and imaginative interpretation should bring a fresh puff of air in interdisciplinary research.

***

What do you think?

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Mahendra P Lama

Lama is a Senior Professor in the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

By courtesy: https://tkpo.st/37DKKRw

मगरातमा आएपछि खस भाषा र संस्क्रुतिको पुर्ण विकाश भयो

Jagman Gurung

Yesterday at 10:44 PM ·

कर्णाली प्रदेशको पहाडीक्षेत्र खसानबाट असिवृत्ति= असि भनेको तरवार र असिवृत्ति भनेको खुँडा हान्ने जातका खसहरु र मसिवृत्ति भनेको शास्त्र जानेका बाहुनहरु पुर्वतिर अघि बढ्दै गण्डकी प्रदेशको कछाडभाग मगरातमा आइपुगे। मगरातमा आएपछि खस भाषा र संस्क्रुतिको पुर्ण विकाश भयो र पुर्वतिर संप्रेषित भयो।खसहरु मगरलाउ साथ लिएर पुर्वतिर अघि बढे। काठमाण्डौका राजा प्रताप मल्लका पिता लक्ष्मीनरसिंह मल्लको समयसम्ममा खस र मगरहरू मल्ल दरवारमा भारदारका रुपमा सम्मानित हुन पुगे। खस भाषाले राजकाजको भाषाको रुपमा मान्यता पायो। लमजुङका राजा यशोब्रह्म शाहको पालादेखि गुरुङहरु पनि यश अभियानमा सहभागी भए। यसरी नेपाल राष्ट्रको निर्माणको प्रगरुप निर्माण भयो ।

 

Bhagwanchandra Gnyawali नेपाली भाषा िवस्तारमा सेतामगुरालिकाे महत्वपूर्ण याेगदान छ

Govind Thapa Etihasik kura paskanu bhayeko ma dhanyabad..Nepal ko itihas dherai gsjyang gujung chha sachyaunu parchha.

Dec 13, 2019

Life Among the Magar

Gary Shepherd, Life Among the Magar, Sahayogi Press, 1982

Annotation by Dr. Govind Prasad Thapa

What caught my interest, however, was the great variety of ethnic groups tucked away in its inaccessible valleys. Previously, most of these groups in Nepal were not known to the outside world. In fact, only a few people in Nepal knew much about them or could tell us where they were located. The Khams, for instance, was just such a group. Though more than forty thousand people spoke the Kham language, it was next-t-impossible to find anyone in Kathmandu who had even heard of them.[1]

Of the numerous ethnic groups in Nepal, there was one group in particular that caught my attention. These people were the Magars, a major group whose actual numbers may never be known. There were 300, 000 people who spoke that language, but like Khams and most other ethnic groups, a considerable number of Magars now spoke only the national language, Nepali. Everywhere Magars found they had gained a reputation for honesty and hard work. The Magars were a Mongolian people who had migrated into Nepal in the predawn of history. Many of the ethnic groups had a legend that told how they had come to Nepal from Tibet or some other, but not the Magars. For them, at least, history simply began and ended in Nepal.[2]

In the sixteenth century, the Magars invaded Kathmandu under the leadership of the Palpa king Mukunda Sen. In the 1750s, Prithibi Narayan Shah, the “father of modern Nepal,” was consolidating the many petty kingdoms scattered across the land. For this task, he counted heavily upon his Magar soldiers. The outside world, however, came to know of the Magar only after the British began recruiting soldiers in Nepal for Gurkha regiments. The British quickly came to appreciate the Magars’ qualities and they became a major part of their Nepal contingent.[3]

What confused the language issue was how various ethnic groups would take on the same name. I was to learn that there were at least five different groups who spoke very different languages, yet each claimed they were Magars! I presume the explanation in this: as successive waves of immigrants moved into Nepal, those who settled next to the Magars were quick to take the name of the original inhabitants, which gave them a degree of acceptance and made them insiders.[4]

But who were the real Magars—the original ones? I found that most likely it was the Magar community which was to be found in Central Nepal in Palpa, Syangja and Tanahu district.[5]

 

[1] Gary Shepherd, Life Among the Magar, Sahayogi Press, 1982, p. 10

[2] Gary Shepherd, op.cit., p.11

[3] Gary Shepherd, op.cit., p.11

[4] Gary Shepherd, op.cit., p.11

[5] Gary Shepherd, op.cit., p.11-12

The Khas People of the Western Himalayas

Atkinson, Edwin T., The Khas People of the Western Himalayas

Book review by Bipin Adhikari, Issue Name: Spotlight, Vol:09, No 16, February 19, 2016 (Falgun 7,2072)

The book of Edwin T. Atkinson starts with a remarkable preface. It is divided into ten impressive chapters. Chapters III to VII are devoted to some key aspects of the history of the Western Himalayas. Here he talks about Khasas, Bhotiyas and other immigrants living in the hills and mountains in the background of Vaidik geography, Pauranik ethnography, mythology and the history of different periods. It includes references on the Kumaon invasion of the Gorkhalis

Edwin T. Atkinson is the first author who researched the Khas people when dealing with the people of the North-Western Himalayas. His book, The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol II (Allahabad, North-Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, 1884), which forms Volume XI of The Gazetteer, brings forward many important facts about the Khas people that he discovered during his research.

The book of Edwin T. Atkinson starts with a remarkable preface. It is divided into ten impressive chapters. Chapters III to VII are devoted to some key aspects of the history of the Western Himalayas. Here he talks about Khasas, Bhotiyas and other immigrants living in the hills and mountains in the background of Vaidik geography, Pauranik ethnography, mythology and the history of different periods. It includes references on the Kumaon invasion of the Gorkhalis. The next three chapters explore religions in the Western Himalayas including Kumaon’s specialty in this regard. Here he tries to explain Himalayan Buddhism and Hinduism being practiced by the local people.

The book maintains that the Khasas, also called Khasiyas, are the principal inhabitants of the regions to the west of Kashmir, of Kashmir itself and of the hill country as far as Nepal and of a considerable part of the plains. Explaining extensive Vedic, Pauranik and historical sources, Atkinson speaks about their historical continuity to this day. Relying on Pliny’s account, he claims that while the Khasas occupied the country far to the west of their present location in Kumaon and Nepal, the Kiratakas with the Tanganas held the country between the Tons and the Sarda.

Atkinson is clear in his opinion that the Nagas, Kiratas, and Khasas entered the Western Himalayas by the same route as the Aryas. In addition, he makes a point that the Kiratas were the first to arrive in the Himalayas. The Nagas followed them. They were then followed by the Khasas. Taking the clue from Latin, Greek and Sanskrit sources, Atkinson concludes that there is a fairly connected history of the people and the country from the very earliest times. He defends his finding by arguing that the local inscriptions and the records of Nepal fill up many a gap and confirm his analysis.

Khas people are Aryan people. They have different sub-groups. Yet they are different from other Aryans in their religious and cultural observances. Atkinson states that the name ‘Khasa’ like the name ‘Naga’ is of far too wide significance to be that of a single tribe.  He also discusses in the book the question of the connection between the Khasas and Katyuri rulers in Kumaon and the Kho people and Kator rulers in Kashkara at the western end of the Himalaya beyond Kashmir. He says: “the Khasiyas of Kumaon have as much right to be called an Aryan race in its widest sense as many others with a more established name, but the fact that they have not yet come up to their plains brethren in caste and religious observances still excludes them from the ranks of the twice-born.”

The Khas people have thus been described by Atkinson as one of the distinct inhabitants of the North-western provinces. Talking about the population of Kumaon and Garhwal, he describes how the inhabitants belong to the Khasa race and speak a dialect which to him sounds like Hindi. They are different not only of the Mongoloid inhabitants with him they share their land but also from the Hindus who live in the plains. In recent years, states Atkinson, although these people have their beliefs grounded in the ideals of Hinduism, sometimes are repugnant of its orthodox ceremonial usages.

No matter their origins, about which he is not quite clear, they have heavily been influenced by the Brahmanical priesthood. By this specification, he means the versions of Hinduism, based on four castes, and a process by which people of other Hindu castes, or tribal or other groups, change their customs, ritual ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently twice-born caste. The Khas people notes Atkinson, are increasingly being Brahmanized, which in turn ensures the workings of orthodoxy.

Atkinson’s analysis of religion in Western Himalayas is also revealing. On the basis of the study of nearly one thousand temples, and the analysis of the forms worshipped in them, he finds that “Buddhism, though nominally dead, yet lives and is still the faith of the masses.” Both Buddhism and Sivaism are being practiced in the Western Himalayas. There is a strange melange at work. As Atkinson finds, “Buddhism has been absorbed by Sivaism and that both have been influenced to such a degree by the polydaemonistic cults of the aboriginal tribes as to preserve little of their original structure.

This mingling of the pre-Brahmanical, Buddhistic and Animistic conceptions has given us the existing Hinduism of the masses, and has had even a considerable influence in molding the tenets of the more esoteric schools.” The author asserts that the history of the Hindu people is laced with fiction, making it hard to distinguish between what is the truth and what is simply made up. However, he also recognizes that without these accounts from Hindu writers, it is hard to derive the history of the local people.

As Atkinson dives into the history of the Himalayas, he talks about how the Himachal was believed to be the inhabitation of the gods themselves. Many sought residence in these areas in order to be closer to the gods. More importantly, the peaks, pools, and waterfalls became the sacred places to embrace priesthood and of pilgrimage in the minds of the Hindus. Many pilgrims from all over India visit and settle in Garhwal, where there are Hindu shrines of Kedarnath and Badrinath. The intermingling of indigenous groups and Hindus from other parts of India is further seen as some of these immigrants marry daughters of princes of the hills. The Bhotiyas that occupy the inter-alpine valleys of Bhot call the people of the lower hills ‘Khasiyas.’ Therefore, Atkinson points out that the region makes up the diverse population together with the immigrants, the Khasiyas and the Bhotiyas.

The author also discusses how in the epic Mahabharata, the Pandavas conquered the Utsavasankatas or the seven tribes of Dasyus that inhabited the mountains. The Dasyus were said to be the degraded members of the Aryan clan because of their lack of intercourse with Brahmans and their refusal of the Brahmanical customs and practices. During the fight, it is said that Saineya, the charioteer of Krishna, spilled the blood and cut the flesh of thousands of Dasyus.

The author claims that the Mahabharata also mentions the Bahikas called Arattas that live in contemporary Punjab. There was said to be the swelling of degraded Brahmans, also known today as the Prajapati. According to the holy book, these Brahmans had no Veda or Vedic ceremony nor sacrifice. Since they were considered to be servile, the gods apparently did not eat the food they offered. Among these shunned Brahmans of Punjab were also the Khasas, which demonstrates that perhaps they originated in the hilly regions of Nepal from a more westerly region than Kumaon. The author also claims that orthodox writings have viewed the Khasas as “heretical members” of the Aryan family, rather than outcasts, and an important tribe of the Western Himalayas.

The first two chapters in Atkinson’s book are devoted to the vertebrate and invertebrate animals in the regions. They take stock of the important species providing interesting notes on mammalian. The list of birds is attractive. There is also a compilation of the list of reptiles and land and freshwater shells. The author talks about the various kinds of animals, like the murina formosa, a yellow bat, and the frionodon pardicolor, a tiger, that lives in the diverse regions of Nepal. He talks about the ailurus fulgens, a red cat bear with a distinct red colour of the head that is found in the Terai region of Nepal. He writes that the bear primarily eats ants, fruits, roots, and honey. He also mentions the Nepal hawk-eagle, limnaetus nipalensis, and the Nepal brown wood owl, syrnium newarense, which are thought to be very rare. They may make a very interesting read to the zoologists of Nepal.